Managing Project Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2250 words

Overseeing Project - Essay Example This paper incorporates the investigation of two cases utilizing the Project Evaluation and Review Technique (PERT) or arrange graph. In the event that 1, organize chart was indicated utilizing the action hub. Computation of Earliest beginning time (EST) and Latest beginning time (LST) was done to have the option to show the Slack or all out buoy of the movement. Basic way was utilized to have the option to finish the given assignment without spending limitation. The investigation will have the option to show the significance of the said strategy in dealing with an undertaking. Cost estimation was introduced utilizing standards and other hypothesis. Chart and different tables were introduced in the appendixes. At the later piece of this paper the troubles and dangers in venture the executives were talk about to additionally build up the required task. The reason for this examination is to have the option to show the significance of task overseeing in an organization that should be created and overseen well. It additionally permits us understudy to have the option to exhibit the learning and skill in regard of the executives of assets for the most part however specifically components of time, money and HR. On the off chance that 1 The Design and Print restricted is a printing SME in the UK providing plan and printing administrations. The task supervisor is getting ready for another venture. To begin a system graph utilizing the action on the hub was structure. We will have the option to develop the chart utilizing the table beneath: In the system chart appeared in informative supplement 2, each... 1 L N Bundling for Delivery 2 M O Conveyance 5 E,N P Installment assortments 10 O Reference section 2 F(5) A(1) B(2) C (2) D(1) H(1) L(3) M (1) N(2) E(10) G (4) I (2) J(2) K(2) P(10) In the system outline appeared in informative supplement 2, every hub (circle) speaks to a movement and is named with the action number and the related culmination time (appeared in sections after the action number). The system chart (supplement 1) accept that exercises not connected by priority connections can happen at the same time. For instance movement L is gone before by H,K in this way we can do L after H or K. (see graph). It implies that Printing should be possible in the wake of measuring or type-setting. In the above outline the action start at Enquiries (A) , went before by Quotation (B) you can't continue to B without completing the main errand (A). Account minds client (E) and Order affirmation (C) should be possible all the while since it isn't connected by priority relationship. After errand (C) is finished 3 exercises or undertaking should be possible simultaneously since these three are totally gone before by C, Purchasing (F), Scheduling (D) and Design (G). The errand proceeds up to the last assignment the P. To have the option to decide the all out buoy, we should need to ascertain for the soonest start time and most recent beginning time. This permits booking of the work in such a way, that venture length is limited. A few exercises can be actualized at the same time, and a few exercises can be deferred while endeavors are focused on finishing different exercises which force a period

Illinois Capital Punishment System :: essays research papers

Pardon, sympathy?      How precisely would i be able to clarify the Capital Punishment System here in Illinois? Well to be straightforward, I would need to go with, absolute disarray. For you who don’t realize what Capital Punishment is, it is the framework we use to put lawbreakers who carry out intense violations on Death Row. Out of the 50 states in our awesome nation, 38 of them have a Capital Punishment System, Illinois being one of them. As of late, while Governor George Ryan was in office, it was chosen to end all executions, making Illinois the first of the 38 states to do as such.      Capital Punishment was taken back to Illinois in 1977. From ’77 to ’87 there were an aggregate of 128 detainees selected waiting for capital punishment. In 1990 alone there were 125 killers holding back to confront a definitive discipline. Out of those individuals, an aggregate of 12 individuals have been executed through deadly infusion, yet 13 detainees were discharged from death row as guiltless. 7 of the 12 executed were after 1976, 5 were in 1995 alone. Is it just me, or is this somewhat confounding? The Government appeared to get a little demise hungry during these years. It’s clear that there will undoubtedly be numerous other blameless individuals, sitting in prison cells languishing over a homicide that they didn't submit.      Governor Ryan stepped in office resolved to discover what's up with this framework in Illinois. He came in quite a firm adherent of capital punishment, however observing that 13 individuals were discovered honest, Governor Ryan got baffled and chose to make a move. In the wake of inquiring about how the framework functions, and getting mindful of the blemishes, the previous Governor acquitted 4 additional detainees (Aaron Patterson, Madison Hobley, Stanley Howard and Leroy Orange) who admitted under police torment and sentenced in light of the fact that for those admissions. â€Å"I accept these men are honest or I wouldn’t have acquitted them, the framework has fizzled for every one of the four men and it has fizzled for all the individuals of this state.† Governor Ryan said at Depaul University. He additionally accepts that there are at any rate 33 wrongly sentenced, and since Capital Punishment was reestablished 93 have been discharged from guardianshi p since they were discovered honest.      This framework in Illinois is clearly loaded with blunder and nobody can ever appear to be 100% certain of deciding who’s blameworthy and who’s honest, and in the event that they should kick the bucket or not.

The Poetry Ive Purchased Since November

The Poetry I’ve Purchased Since November Every bookstore and library I enter, poetry stands, a fraction of the other sections. At the library with tall ceilings, not even a bookcase. At my local bookstore, half of a row. At Barnes Noble, a hard-to-find three shelves. If there’s not a prize on it, good luck. Is poetry the middle child of the genres? That hurts my heart because poetry, after the Pacific, was my first love. At sixteen, I waded into the genre, writing crappy poems in my rose-decorated bedroom. I welcome everyone to laugh with/at me: mistaking my angst for lyricism. (So right about everything, I miss that certainty. Can I have just a dash of teenager, please?) In honor of Pride Month, I returned to Adrienne Rich’s “Poetry and Commitment.” When she received the National Book Foundation Medal for Distinguished Contribution to American Letters in 2006, the acceptance speech she delivered was a truncated version of the essay. In it, she observes, “transfusions of poetic language can and do quite literally keep bodies and souls togetherâ€"and more.” How true. One of my greatest consolations, especially after November, have been poems: writing them, reading them, sharing them, bringing them home. Call it one of my actions. Here are the poetry collections I’ve bought since November. Cannibal by Safiya Sinclair Not a wasted word, her debut collection shines. I read it slowly to savor it, not wanting it to end. From “Mermaid” (an eternal obsession of mine):  â€œThat mint tea whistling in the Dutch pot is stronger than liquor, and takes six spoons of sugar, pleaseâ€"what can I say, my great-grandfather’s blood was clotted thick with sugar cane and overproof rum; when he bled it trickled heavy like molasses, clotted black like phlegm in the throat.” Milk and Honey by Rupi Kaur   I keep a poem of Kaur’s on my desktop to remind me of innocence. Every time I read it, I feel a heavy part of me flutter away. I wish young-me owned this book. I have liked and shared and snapped screenshots of so many of the  Instapoet’s  posts I wanted to monetize my fandom. Whereas by Layli Long Soldier The word whereas has interested me for a decadeâ€"maybe longerâ€"who it includes, who it excludes, what it adds, what it steals. I first learned of Long Soldier  in a tweet, Joy Harjo’s. The Big Book of Exit Strategies by Jamaal May Evidence of good writers leading you to good writers, I first heard May read “As the Saying Goes” while listening to an AWP podcast episode featuring the poetess above. It was night. Washing dishes, I dried my hands twice to rewind. Olio by Tyehimba Jess A fan of Wave Books (who published one of my favorites, Bluets by Maggie Nelson), I first encountered  Olio and Jess on Between the Covers with David Naimon. I had to experience those perforated fold-out pages, the amazing Pulitzer-winning project. You Don’t Have to Say You Love Me by Sherman Alexie I’ve been singing his praises and buying (and receiving) his books during their publication week since War Dances. This memoir includesâ€"yesâ€"poems. Because of the vulnerable state of things, I strive to be a mindful consumer, supporting my passions.  For words and those who pen them, I drive my beloved teenage car to bookstores, especially indies, to shop because seeing my personal landmarks (Schuler Books Music on Alpine, Waldenbooks in the Lahaina Cannery Mall, and all of the Borders) close crushed me. As horrible news inundates us again and again, I run to poetry, love, which soothe like balm again and again. It feels right to end with Rich’s words: “when poetry lays its hand on our shoulder, . . . we are, to almost a physical degree, touched and moved.”

Case Analysis 10-3 Kansas City Zephyrs Baseball Club, Inc....

I.Issues Why does net income not equal cash flows? Why do we need accrual accounting? (Why do not we fire all accountants and just publish summary bank statements) Why do the differences between owners’, players’, GAAP and truth number exist?(Can accounting numbers be neutral representations of what happened? What happens if a retired non-roster player (e.g. Joe Portocararo) returns to the active roster while continuing to earn the same money promised him in his guaranteed contract? Of what importance are the periodic net income numbers if the clubs can always be sold for huge profits? How should Bill Ahern resolve the accounting conflict between the owners and players? How much did the Kansas City Zephyrs Baseball Club earn in†¦show more content†¦We need accountants because they are trained to handle tough financial situations. They know what investments are wise, what we can afford, and how we can increase our wealth. Why do the differences between owners’, players’, GAAP and truth number exist?(Can accounting numbers be neutral representations of what happened?) The differences between the owners, players, exist because they are both calculate the in various ways at a time under the rules by GAAP. The owner’s financials are also accounted because it is a corporation as well. Depreciation, amortization of players might be an issue if the players are in the non-roster list or call off injury. However, whatever ever happens, has to be followed the GAAP rules. What happens if a retired non-roster player (e.g. Joe Portocararo) returns to the active roster while continuing to earn the same money promised him in his guaranteed contract? In total they owed $1,050.0 to Joe Portocararo by the end of 1986. However, they already expensed the whole amount to Joe. If he gets back to the team, there will be no longer need to owe money to Joe, and paying another pitcher at the same time. Of what importance are the periodic net income numbers if the clubs canShow MoreRelatedEssay on Case Analysis 10-3 Kansas City Zephyrs Baseball Club, Inc.1727 Words   |  7 Pagesperiodic net income numbers if the clubs can always be sold for huge profits? How should Bill Ahern resolve the accounting conflict between the owners and players? How much did the Kansas City Zephyrs Baseball Club earn in 1983 and 1984? Facts This case shows that how different accounting methods can lead a company to different positions. That is what Bill Ahern was selected on April 9 to focus on reviewing the finances of the Kansas City Zephyrs Baseball Club, Inc., which was bought on NovemberRead MoreDarden Mba Resumes16768 Words   |  68 Pagesscholarship); ï‚ · GMAT: 730; AWA: 5.5 ï‚ · Member of Finance Club, Energy Club and Darden Capital Management Club Charlottesville, VA Nanyang Technological University Singapore Bachelor of Engineering (Computer Engineering) and Minor in Business, June 2006 ï‚ · Awarded full scholarship (among top 50 from over 10,000 candidates) ï‚ · Received First Class Honors (top degree distinction, GPA: 3.95). Dean s list holder (among top 5%) ï‚ · President of NTU Apex Club (premier club for computer programming enthusiasts); spearheaded

The Mexican Culture And Hegemonic Masculinity Essay

In the United States of America and across the world, do not accept homosexuality. It is considered a sin. It is rejected among many cultures. In the Mexican culture, hegemonic masculinity: the way a man uses control and power over others, presents a series of roles, attitudes and traits that men need to follow to be considered a man in society. Some of these traits are physical strength, goal oriented, having control and being the breadwinner of the family. When a man in the Mexican culture shows signs of homoerotic desires, they are basically put into a subordinate position in regards to other men in that culture. â€Å"In Mexico men are socialized under strict gender norms, where what is considered â€Å"feminine† is rejected...† (Lorano-Verduzco2015). In Mexico, the word homophobia has been associated with hegemonic masculinity as it allows other men to be perceived as more manly or masculine than other men. As Lorano-Verduzco pointed out â€Å"Mexican men are mo re homophobic than women, and that traditional masculine traits are associated with higher levels of homophobia than traditional feminine traits†. As homosexuality occurs, the extent to which it becomes a social problem varies with the attitudes that are taken by different cultures. One attitude that is taken into consideration is the difference between a passive homosexual or an active homosexual. Depending on the which type of homosexual that man decides to be, he will be subjected to a strong social condemnation or isShow MoreRelatedThe Beliefs Of Misconceptions And Gender, Race, And Sexuality1472 Words   |  6 PagesOther, components that relate to Black sexual Politics are the political structure and mass media. The development of ideologies portrayed by feminism, masculinity describes the attitude towards gender concerning power and weakness. Powerful representations of controlling images and stereotypes resembling the political structure pattern of culture and media. Mass media has evolved, yet the ideologies of maltreatment against the Black folks seem to sustain this connotation of ways society defines toRead MoreGen der, Gender And Gender Equality2685 Words   |  11 Pagesalternative sexual orientations or gender identities. Gloria Anzaldà ºa was born in the Rio Grande Valley near the Mexico border in Texas. This area she refers to as the â€Å"Borderlands† (Anzaldà ºa, 1987) because it is the juncture of two diverse cultures: American and Mexican. Due to a unique endocrine condition, she began menstruating at the age of three. This abnormal start in life solidified her internal gender classification: gender-queer. Due to this condition, her privates were always considered â€Å"a smellyRead MoreThe kitchen is arguably the last battle – ground for reproduction of gender relations in the western world. Discuss.2158 Words   |  9 Pagesroles by gender by many generations that determine the hierarchy of their society with the leading role of man. Counihan (2008:288) Swenson according to Weedon states that the patriarchal model still exists in the veiled form in the modern, urban culture and it is recorded in the social consciousness by new media and state authorities who referred to social, cultural and structural tradition. Weedon (1997) also describes gender as a socially produced and historically changing aspect of identity thatRead MoreAn Allegorical Reflection on the Mexican Revolution4344 Words   |  18 PagesReflection on The Mexican Revolution Gender, Agency, Memory, and Identity in Like Water for Chocolate Leah A. Cheyne, barwench99@hotmail.com April 30, 2003 Alfonso Arau’s Like Water for Chocolate (1993) can be read as an allegorical examination of the Mexican Revolution, tracing the effects of the conflicting ideologies underlying the revolution through the displacement onto the family structure. At once removed and central to understanding the narrative, this portrayal of the Mexican RevolutionRead MoreOne Significant Change That Has Occurred in the World Between 1900 and 2005. Explain the Impact This Change Has Made on Our Lives and Why It Is an Important Change.163893 Words   |  656 PagesPublic Memories Tiffany Ruby Patterson, Zora Neale Hurston and a History of Southern Life Lisa M. Fine, The Story of Reo Joe: Work, Kin, and Community in Autotown, U.S.A. Van Gosse and Richard Moser, eds., The World the Sixties Made: Politics and Culture in Recent America Joanne Meyerowitz, ed., History and September 11th John McMillian and Paul Buhle, eds., The New Left Revisited David M. Scobey, Empire City: The Making and Meaning of the New York City Landscape Gerda Lerner, Fireweed: A Political

Aspects of Meaning Free Essays

Jubayr zakariyya Aspects of meaning assignment 1 The experiment that has been conducted, and written about in the paper ‘The representation of polysemous words’, by Devorah Klein and Gregory Murphy, endeavours to uncover the degrees to which different senses of polysemous words use the same or diverse kind of representations. Whilst homonyms from a linguistic perspective, are groups of words that share the same orthographical and phonological characteristics, yet do not share the same semantic meaning. There are a number of theoretical perspectives pertaining to the root cause of how two separate word meanings are able to converge on the same phonological representation, or how a single word is able to separate into diverse and separate semantic meanings. We will write a custom essay sample on Aspects of Meaning or any similar topic only for you Order Now But the term ‘polysemy’ refers to something that is intrinsically more complex, and as Klein and Murphy have noted in their paper, more problematical in terms of defining its root source and in which ways are the senses related and represented. What Klein and Murphy mean by this, and have studied in this paper, is the process in which words semantically relate to one another, through a process of extension. Yet unlike homonyms, polysemous words do not have lexically separate meanings, which leads to the questions of whether polysemous words have a single represented sense that can be accounted for every use of a word, how can they be linked in memory, and how are they co-ordinated in processing. Klein and Murphy aim to ‘provide data that will constrain accounts of the representation and processing of polysemy'(Klein and Murphy (2001)). The first experiment that was conducted entailed the use of memory performance in order to measure the representation of polysemous senses. it was particularly looking at whether people were more familiar with a same sense or a different sense than the original presentation given. the results showed that same phrase items were the most precisely evaluated, which was followed by the consistent sense phrases. The inconsistent sense phrases were the most error prone. Klein and Murphy also suggest that words being seen in identical context was the most helpful in getting a correct evaluation. The results here point out that the way in which a polysemous word is processed initially affects later memory access. After conducting a number of detailed experiments, Klein and Murphy conclude that polysemous senses are semantically related, yet they are not extremely similar, which consequently results in ‘same-sense facilitation’ and ‘cross sense inhibition’ (Klein and Murphy (2001)). If a polysemous word does not contain a core meaning, it is no longer a substantial semantic component thatis common to all senses in a given word. word count: 429 How to cite Aspects of Meaning, Papers

Feminist Ethics and Social Policy †Free Samples to Samples

Question: Discuss about the Feminist Ethics and Social Policy. Answer: The case study here is focused over a patient named Sam who is suffering from acute abdominal pain with previous medical history of drug-related psychosis. Self-harming, abusive and agitated behaviour of Sam has generated a threat towards the other fellow patients and healthcare professionals and these have compelled the medical team of the inner city hospital to put him under restrain. However, Camilla, the attending nurse of the Sam is against this procedure of restrain. She is of the opinion that restrain will exacerbate Sams agitation and will increase the tendency of self-harm. The following essay sheds light on the ethical issues and nursing conflict pertaining to this case. The essay also highlights professional code of nursing conduct and human dignity rights in relation to this particular case. Under Utilitarian approach or consequentialist approach, decision is taken based on the calculation of greatest amount of benefits over significantly larger group of individuals. Here the outcome has strong connection with the morality of the associated intervention. This approach could be harmful towards selected individual but the net outcome is of maximum benefit for the mass (Hsieh Kramer, 2012). Under ethical domain of Deontology, the morality of the action undertaken is solely inclined upon the nature of the action. This means that the possible harm is acceptable irrespective of the associated consequences. This concept was first introduced by Immanuel Kant, a philosopher and hence it is also popularly known as Kantian deontology (Gray Schein, 2012). As per Libertarianism, a collection of political philosophies and movements promotes liberty in the domain of the nursing approach. The libertarians, who believe in the concept of libertarianism, promote political liberty and autonomy for all. They also vouch for freedom of choice, speech and individual judgment. It also gives importance to voluntary association and self-ownership. According to Rawlss Principles of Justice, each and every person deserves equal rights to the extensive system of basic liberties prevalent in the society. The liberty is mostly restricted in two cases. One is a less extensive liberty known as possible liberty that strengthens the total liberty system for everyone. The second one is less than equal liberty and this is accepted for those who are affected (Woods, 2011). According to the Natural Law, morality and law have deep interconnection with each other. Morality here is the parameter that is used for judging what is right or wrong or comparison between good or bad. The natural law theorists state that the laws of the human beings are guided by the morality and not by the authority as defined by the government. The term natural law is derived from the basic thought of morality based on the concept that human comes from the Mother Nature. The sole purpose of human is to lead a healthy and happy life such that the actions which are against those two purposes are considered to be unnatural or immoral (d'Entreves, 2017). According to the Theory of Virtue, individuals character is of prime importance in ethics as it is one of the critical element upon which the overall ethical thinking is based. This element of Theory of Virtue stays ahead of the deontology and consequentialism. The three main virtues of ethics are eudaimonism (classical formulation of Virtue Ethics), ethics of care and agent based theories (Smith, 2011). The concept of Egalitarianism is popularly known as equalitarianism. This school of ethics prioritizes the equality among all the people residing in the society. It also abides by the concept that all human beings are equal as per the social parameters and fundamental worth. Egalitarian theory in nursing approach emphasizes equal access to certain goods but does not promote equal sharing of the available social benefits. However, critiques consider this model as insufficient to address willingness to pay or need efficiency (Buchanan, 2010). The concept of Feminism has been framed by the Feminist Ethics. It is an initiative to revise, rethink, and reformulate the traditional grounds of ethics to such an extent that it depreciates the womens moral experience. Feminists have frame different gender-centred approaches in the theory of ethics. These approaches address the traditional law of ethics that have neglected women. The feminist ethicists also emphasize political, legal, ideological and economic cause and effect of women with respect to their gender status. It demands equal rights irrespective of gender (Mahon Robinson, 2011). Analysis of ethical issues and conflicts The ethics in nursing care is concerned with the moral dilemmas that are originated out of the conflicts or obligation during the duty time and the other faced consequences. In case of Camilla, the major moral dilemmas faced by her are utilitarian approach and deontology. The statement of Julia (the nurse in the charge shift) is somewhat related with the ethical principal of utilitarian approach. Utilitarian approach claims that the benefit must be judged on the basis of the mass and deontology states that the morality must be solely judged on the basis of the situation irrespective of the future consequences. In case of Sam, his violent behaviour may harm the safety concerns of other patients and healthcare professionals and so he is being put under restrain to the betterment of the mass and the deontology states that the future consequences should never be considered and so the concern so Camilla is irrelevant here. However, the concept of Libertarianism states that everyone has a freedom of choice and speech which is against backed by natural law. It states that the purpose of the human is to lead a happy and healthy life and anything against is against the moral ethics. So restraining is going against the natural law as it is preventing Sam to lead to healthy and happy life. Moreover, the restraining is also going against the theory of egalitarianism as it is not giving Sam the equal rights to express his thoughts and grievances. However, the other fellow patients also have equal rights to get proper treatment and the agitation of Sam is creating a barrier against that creating an ethical dilemma further. Julia here is judging Sam as per his previous behaviour and the kid of life style he leads and hence not so considerate about his wellbeing or rather say the outcome of the restrain therapy. But Camilla on the other hand is thinking on the basis of the egalitarianism theory preach equality among all the human beings irrespective of their social status. Aga in on the other hand, she is also concerned with the safety of the other staffs or nurses and this is driven by the ethical concept of feminism that depreciates womens moral experience (Kontio et al., 2010). Discussion of professional codes The codes of professional codes for nurses in Australia have been framed in order to maintain a proper balance in the nursing profession. According to the professional code of conduct, nurses are required to practise in a culturally competent and safe manner while maintaining the standards of nursing profession and health care system. The nurses must also practise nursing according to the prevailing laws of nursing laws (Nursing and Midwifery Board of Australia, 2017). The professional code of conduct of nursing also states that the nurses must respect the dignity, ethnicity and cultural values of the patients who are under their surveillance. Nurses are also required to maintain confidentiality while handling patients personal information and medical data. During the course of the disease treatment, the nurses are required to remain honest and accurate in relation to the information related to patients health and health care products. Here Camilla is also honest and diligent towards health and quality care of Sam. Here her ethical right of feminism is getting hampered as Sam is abusing her but still she is trying to provide maximum quality care to Sam. Nurses are also required to promote the concept of health and well-being of the patient via informing them about their current health status and also assisting them in the decision-making process. However, Sam is not in a state of decision making process because he is has drug related psychosis and hence Camilla is doing her best and vouching for withdrawal of restrain for Sams betterment. The Australian nursing code of conduct also preaches the proper preservation of trust among nurse and patient relationship and this will help to generate a confidence in patient and thereby promoting wellbeing. It considers the relationship shared between the nurse and patients to be inherent. Lastly they must practise in an ethically competent manner (Nursing and Midwifery Board of Australia, 2017). The profession of nursing protects the inherent dignity of the patient and recognises the universal human rights of the people along. These acts are considered as their moral responsibility. The human rights in nursing profession include proper recognition, respect and protecting the civil, economic, cultural, social and political rights (Nursing and Midwifery Board of Australia, 2017). This protection of rights is applicable to all the human beings. The scenario of human rights and dignity in reflection to this case lies in the fact that, Sam, the patient has been applied restrain. Though restrain was done to prevent him from self-harming but it is going against his human rights. Here Camilla is trying to trying to protect the human rights of Sam which is also the major reason of her concern apart from the her concern related to Sams health. But restraining is not critically acknowledging the relationship that exists in between the human rights and health. It believes that critical contribution in human rights can actually improve the health outcomes. But on the other hand, if Sam is set free, then his agitated activity will not only cause self-harm but also will harm other fellow patients who also have equal share of staying fit and well. Nursing profession actively promotes the process of safeguarding the rights of all the people the heath care domains too. Setting Sam free will also invite threats to the nursing staffs. The harm or injury of the nursing staffs will not only affect their human rights but also will indirectly hamper the well-being and quality care of the other patients (Nursing and Midwifery Board of Australia, 2017). So retraining of Sam though unethical with respect to the human rights of Sam but is beneficial for the betterment of the global human rights of the other patients and health care professional. However, Sam is not answering Camillas question rationally and is causing self harm via pulling out his IV cannula. So, restraining Sam, it is actually promoting the human rights of Sam of getting quality care. But the statement of Julia is absolutely against the human right as she said patients like Sam are a waste of our time. Besides, we havent got enough staff rostered on today to be worried about him. The ethical principle of autonomy promotes individual freedom. The autonomy has two basic concepts, liberty (the right of self-determination) and agency (the freedom to make decision). So use of physical restrain in case of Sam is going against this principle of autonomy. Sam is not allowed to take his own decision and is put into restrain forcefully. This restrain is incompatible with the principle of autonomy. The act of beneficence on the other hand confers moral obligation upon the caregivers to act for the benefit of the concerned patient (Nursing and Midwifery Board of Australia, 2017). In case of Sam, the safety of other patients and healthcare professionals are being compromised and this justifies the restrain procedure. However, the act of beneficence must be constrained by the act of autonomy in order to prevent the rights of the patients from being subjugated to the concerned medical needs. The act of non-maleficence signifies no harm to patient hence; physical restrain can be treated as unethical. However, non-maleficence also means prevention of harm to others and to self so restrain over a 21 year old man with previous reported cases of drug-related psychosis can be considered to be ethical. As per the case study, Sam is pulling out his IV cannula so restrain can be considered as an act to prevention of self-harm. The concept of justice is a complex conundrum when the patients are forcefully detained against their will in order to prevent the risks to others (Mohr, 2010; Nursing and Midwifery Board of Australia, 2017). Here restraining is creating justice for the others and also to Sam as it is preventing self-harm. Proposals for professional practice The first and foremost recommendation which I want to highlight is an urgent requirement for the generation alternative technique for restrain which does not harm patients dignity and human rights. Moreover, I also feel that there is an urgent need for designing personalised and trauma-informed interventions for the patients. It would serve as an alternative for the current authoritarian medical practise. Another recommendation which I would like to cite is the dangers which are associated with restraint. Here in case of Sam, the restrain order has been taken with a one sided approach, it failed to consider the ethical complications on the ground of libertarianism and egalitarianism. Moreover, the act of restrain has increased the threat of self harm in spite to preventing the same. However, I feel that the statement of Julia is a breach of the duty of care. As per the ethical theory and code of professional conduct of nursing, every patient has equal rights to recover from the disea sed condition and to get a fair chance to lead a healthy life. Dearth in the ratio of patient: nurse can never be cited as an excuse of negligence towards any particular patient who requires extra attention or care. However, there still lies a conflict of interest issue between the wellness of Sam and the betterment of other patients (Mohr, 2010). Thus from above discussion it can be concluded that, the act of non-maleficence, beneficence must be critically considered while applying restrain to a patient. In case of Sam, restrain has been applied in order to prevent self-harm and the harm of fellow patients. However, keeping his drug-related psychosis in mind, such restrain though supported by the law of deontology, can impact patient negatively resulting a conflict between the theories of libertarianism and egalitarianism. But again the restrain is justified on the grounds of utilitarian approach. References Buchanan, A. (2010). The egalitarianism of human rights.Ethics,120(4), 679-710. Code of Ethics for Nurses in Australia. (2005) (2nd ed., pp. 1-6). Melbourne. Retrieved from https://www.nursingmidwiferyboard.gov.au/Search.aspx?q=code+of+ethics+nurses d'Entreves, A. P. (2017).Natural law: An introduction to legal philosophy. Routledge. Gray, K., Schein, C. (2012). Two minds vs. two philosophies: Mind perception defines morality and dissolves the debate between deontology and utilitarianism.Review of Philosophy and Psychology,3(3), 405-423. Hsieh, E., Kramer, E. M. (2012). Medical interpreters as tools: dangers and challenges in the utilitarian approach to interpreters roles and functions.Patient education and counseling,89(1), 158-162. Kontio, R., Vlimki, M., Putkonen, H., Kuosmanen, L., Scott, A., Joffe, G. (2010). Patient restrictions: are there ethical alternatives to seclusion and restraint?.Nursing ethics,17(1), 65-76. Mahon, R., Robinson, F. (Eds.). (2011).Feminist ethics and social policy: Towards a new global political economy of care. Ubc Press. Mohr, W. K. (2010). Restraints and the code of ethics: An uneasy fit.Archives of psychiatric nursing,24(1), 3-14. Smith, D. W. (2011). Deleuze and the question of desire: Towards an immanent theory of ethics.Deleuze and ethics, 123-41. Woods, M. (2011). An ethic of care in nursing: Past, present and future considerations.Ethics and Social Welfare,5(3), 266-276.

Gun Control Essays (1365 words) - Gun Politics In The United States

Gun Control The Second Amendment to the Constitution states that, A well-regulated militia, being necessary to the security of a free state, the right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed, and the definition of gun control is; government regulation of possession and use of firearms by private citizens(Levinson, 5). Gun control only takes guns away from law-abiding citizens and it does nothing to stop criminals from buying illegal guns, who are unlikely to obey the law and register their guns(NRA 238). I feel that the term gun control is improperly used. The government is using it as a way to take our right to bear arms. Why would anyone want to own a gun? Piece of mind is the main reason I have a gun. I feel a lot safer at home knowing that I am close to my best line of defense. Guns provide a source of psychological reassurance even among citizens who are not especially concerned about the fear of crime of being victimized(Firearms 64). In a survey given about guns, self-d efense was the primary reason given by one out of every five gun owners for firearms(Firearms 61). The right of self-defense and the right to use firearms for defense of self and family are the cornerstone of individual rights enumerated in the US Constitution(Self-Defense 26). Why does the government make it harder to protect ourselves? Police cannot always protect everyone. There are only about 500,000 police officers throughout the country, which figures to around only 125,000 police officers are on duty at any given time to protect the whole country(Lee 9). Only seventeen percent of Americans give the police a great deal of confidence in protecting them, while forty-six percent said they do not give them very much confidence(Carrying 32). Other than a bodyguard or a law enforcement officer at ones side twenty-four hours a day, the most effective deterrent to criminal attack is the criminals fear that the prospective victim is armed and prepared to defend him or her self(Carrying 33). Courts have ruled that there is no constitutional right to be protected by the state against being murdered by criminals or madmen, which means that police have no duty to protect the individual citizen(Tahmassebi 66). After hearing this, I trust the police even less. What is the likelihood of being successfully attacked when you are armed? Criminals fear armed citizens(Self-Defense 22). Victims who used guns for protection were less likely either to be attacked or injured than victims who responded in any other way, including those who didnt resist at all; and victims no resisted robbers with a gun were less likely to lose their property. When victims use guns to resist crimes, the crimes usually are disrupted and the victims are not injured(Self-Defense, 24). A good example of firearm deterrence comes from a rape experiment done in Orlando. Orlando offered a training course to women on hand-gun self defense, which was taken by 6,000 women(Firearms 64). A year after the progr am began, the rape rate in Orlando dropped almost ninety percent(Firearms 64). The police force went on strike in Albuquerque, New Mexico; during this time, the crime rate decreased because frightened citizens armed themselves and protected their homes and businesses(Firearms 69). Criminals had no stomach at all for facing indignant citizens protecting their own property with the same force the criminals used to steal it(Firearms 69). Handgun ownership averts thousands of victim injuries and deaths that would not have been avoidable given the tactical advantages that criminals have over unarmed citizens(Lee 7). Who would you rather have protecting you? In Chicago in a typical year, more criminals are shot by store owners and other armed citizens than by the entire police force(Firearms 69). In April 1984 three terrorists attacked a cafe in Jerusalem with automatic weapons, intending to kill everyone in sight; they were able to claim only one victim before they were shot by a handgun -armed Israelis(Lee 3). In 1980, between 1,500-3,000 felons were legally killed by armed civilians in self-defense or for related-legally justified reasons; and additional 8,700-16,600 criminals were legally wounded under the same circumstances. If these figures are accurate, then civilians kill and injure far more

Ozone Depletion...Give Me a Break! This essay explains the myths and rumors about ozone depletions and CFCs. It has much information, but lacks sources. One of my better controversial papers.

Ozone Depletion...Give Me a Break! This essay explains the myths and rumors about ozone depletions and CFCs. It has much information, but lacks sources. One of my better controversial papers. Some scientists have proclaimed that the human race is slowly depleting the layer of ozone which protects us from ultra violet light. In reality, humans have very little control of the world in which we live. Scientific evidence has shown that there is very little depletion in the ozone layer and the contributions the human race makes towards this depletion is and always will be insignificant compared to nature. The theories of the depletion and what it would cause are flawed and contradictory. Where and when did this global killing threat begin? It all began in the mid 1960's when the United States government began pursuing super sonic transports. These would be planes which would travel in the stratosphere, very close to the ozone layer. The first environmentalist complaints were actually of the noise factor. These large planes would be traveling in excess of the speed of sound. Subsequently there would be sonic booms heard on the surface (Singer).Lowest value of ozone measured by TOMS each year i...The arguments fell on deaf ears in Washington.The next objection came in the form of ozone depletion. A fleet of over 500 of these planes would ultimately destroy the ozone. This would allow more ultra violet radiation to fall to the earth and in turn skin cancer rates would sky rocket. That was more than enough for the federal government to get involved, they immediately canceled the project. At that time there was no study done to investigate these claims, but there has been since. The initial estimation was that a fleet of 500 SSTs would effectively reduce the ozone layer seventy percent. In the 1970's that number fell to ten percent. With the emergence of the Concorde, which is a SST, in the 1980's, studies were done that show the emissions from these planes actually insulate the ozone layer...

Family Law - case study1 Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

Family Law - case study1 - Essay Example Furthermore the marriage laws also state that if the marriage has been intimate (consummated) within a 6 month period during which a divorce is filed then the couple is required to wait 6 more months to a year before they can re-file for a divorce decree2. Furthermore the no-fault areas of the marriage, preceding a divorce have to be examined as well. Because John does not want a divorce and wants to work on the marriage then the court would look at the impact a divorce might have on him in particular. However, as was stated, due to the policies surrounding the divorce laws in the UK and England in particular, there will be a great deal of counseling and other interventive measures utilized to try and save this marriage if indeed it were to proceed into the family courts. The primary reasoning for counseling is going to fall into the area of the courts expecting there to be clear and coherent mental competency to ensure that both of the individuals are aware of their actions and are fully understanding of what will take place within their lives after a divorce is granted3. As the laws in cohabitation have changed drastically in the past few years, there are new stipulations in regards to couples who live together and often the same laws that govern marriage apply to cohabitating partners4. However, cohabitant partners are not wholly equal to married couples in all respects, not according to the English laws. For instance married couples do have the protection of marital law to assist them if there are problems that develop that have to do with property or a specific living situation where violence is occurring5. However, following modern civil law, a cohabitating couple such as Jeremy and Claude can adopt a set of rules that ultimately divides the property between the two and of which is upheld in a court of law just as a married couple's property rights would be viewed. Therefore there is the possibility that Jeremy could have a legal way of forcing Claude to vacate the flat that they share but due to the fact that they don't have a legal civil partn ership creates other types of problems besides not being married brings. For instance, without a civil partnership there are no real legal grounds that an individual within a cohabitating relationship can rely on fully. This isn't to say that Jeremy would not have any legal protection at all but the point that is being made is that it would be further complicated by the fact that the two aren't married, there is violence in the relationship, and no civil partnership is in existence to refute any adverse statements or actions that might come into being6. The law is quite clear on one aspect of this domestic problem however, regardless of whether the couple is married or not. Because of the fact that the flat is solely in Jeremy's name the law would stipulate that he could enforce the removal of Claude through a legal means without any adverse repercussions to himself. However, any joint property that remained in the flat would have to be legally divided according to any legal arrange ment that Jeremy and Claude have in affect. If they have none (which without a civil p

Longer sentences offer no more guarantee of reducing criminal Essay

Longer sentences offer no more guarantee of reducing criminal propensities than do shorter terms (The effectiveness of sentencing, Home Office Resea - Essay Example confinement total included about 325,618 persons. In the next quarter century, American prisons more than quintupled in size, reaching a one-day population of 1,182,169 by the end of 1996. As of June 30, 1996, jails across the country grew to hold an estimated 518,492 persons. At midyear 1996, the total adult incarcerated population was 1,630,940 inmates. Taking the nations population growth into account, the U.S. incarceration rate had risen by a factor of 3.75, from 160 inmates per 100,000 general population in 1970 to 600 per 100,000 in 1995. This expansion was not planned in advance, and, even with the benefit of hindsight, its causes are not well understood. Deliberate or not, explicable or not, the upswing in the use of confinement appears to be ongoing. American prisons and jails were growing at a rate of 189 new inmates per day between mid-1995 and mid-1996. While theories of pendulum swings might foretell an eventual reversal of the incarceration explosion, so far there is little evidence of such a shift in the national statistics. Alongside the trend of escalation of confinement, there has been widespread experimentation across the country with new institutions and systems for the apportionment of criminal punishment. Rehabilitation, once the guiding theoretical light of American sentencing structures, has fallen by the wayside in the past two and a half decades, leaving policy makers scrambling for an alternative blueprint. Further, as criminal punishment has grown into an ever-more-sizable enterprise, governments have become increasingly interested in managerial tools for controlling systemic throughputs and outputs. Many jurisdictions have created sentencing commissions, some have abolished parole boards, all have enacted mandatory penalty statutes for selected crimes, and a growing number have adopted sentencing guidelines (Tonry, 2000). Sentencing has been radically refashioned in two ways. First, sentencing

Women in Positions of Power in Northen Ireland

Women in Positions of Power in Northen Ireland Few women have made an impact on politics in Northern Ireland. The political culture and traditions of Northern Ireland politics are very much male-oriented and whilst women have worked hard for change behind the scenes for many years, few have taken the step into standing as candidates in elections, less still successfully winning elections. Following the Belfast Agreement, things may, slowly, be beginning to change. Mo Mowlam writes enthusiastically of the part that women played in the talks leading up to the Agreement: â€Å"one of the most remarkable aspects of the talks process was seeing women, not only in the Women’s Coalition, but also in other parties, sitting alongside their male colleagues and arguing their points. They brought a new quality of debate to the proceeding† (Galligan, Ward Wilford 1999).Nonetheless, despite the election of three women MPs in the first general election (2001) after the Belfast Agreement, women remain massively under-represented in politics in Northern Ireland. This dissertation examines the reasons for this. Chapter two looks at the traditional role of women in politics, both in Northern Ireland and in other parts of the world. Election in the UK and policies towards women of other British parties are examined. The chapter also looks at women’s movements abroad, in the likes of South Africa and Nicaragua and analyses how they have affected the political landscape in their own countries. Chapter three takes a general overview of women in Northern Ireland, commenting on how they have reacted to the traditional view and values of the Church and the State in the province. The formation of the earlier Women’s movements is detailed here – although these groups have remained on the borders on mainstream politics, the fact that women have for decades joined together on particular issues is important in the context of women’s involvement in politics. The difficulties face by women in what is a conservative, traditional and often sexist culture is also discussed. Chapter four looks at the attitudes towards women in politics held by voters in Northern Ireland and analyses whether the small number of women involved is determined by supply or demand factors. Using data from the Northern Ireland Life and Times Survey, this chapter argues that there is no lack of demand for women to be involved in politics amongst the electorate, rather that a number of factors around the inclination of women to enter into politics and the traditional views that still hold sway in Northern Ireland, are influential. This chapter also makes use of research undertaken in interviewing a number of women councillors in Northern Ireland about their perceptions on why many women avoid political life. Various reason for women to remain outside of representative politics are given – again he traditional culture of Northern Ireland and perceptions about a woman’s role are seen as important, Chapter five examines in details the attitudes and policies of the main political parties in Northern Ireland towards women’s issues and the role of women within the political parties themselves. Parties in Northern Ireland have traditionally focused primarily on constitutional and security issues to the detriment of women’s issues. Party leadership in parties across the political spectrum have been male dominated. This chapter looks at each of the main parties, examining firstly how party structures and leaderships accommodate female members and secondly how party policy makers address (or fail to address)women’s issues. Chapter six provides a conclusion to the dissertation. The situation in Northern Ireland where women have traditionally had difficulties establishing themselves within the formal political process has been mirrored, if perhaps not to such an extent, in other Western democracies. Evidence from UK elections indicates a historical prejudice against women candidates, whilst elsewhere in Europe and across the world, there are examples of women having to draw together on their identity as women to challenge their exclusion from politics. Analysis of general elections in Britain indicates that many fewer women than men are selected as prospective parliamentary candidates and those that are usually chosen for less hopeful seats (Leonard and Mortimore 2001, p97). However, the number of has candidates has grown reasonably steadily since 1996, with parties gradually accepting the need to take steps to increase the number of women selected. The Conservative in particular have found this difficult, largely due to the reluctance of the party leadership to interfere with the autonomy and conservative nature of many of its local associations. The Labour Party has had more success. Its party conference took the decision in1993 to try to increase its number of women MPs by introducing policies of positive discrimination. The introduction of all-women shortlist and quotas proved controversial, with the process being deemed illegal by an industrial tribunal in 1996, yet the drive by Labour to increase women’s representation paid dividends – with the party’s victory in the1997 election, the number of women in the house of Commons doubled to120 (Leonard and Mortimore 2001, p97). Elections for regional assemblies in Scotland and Wales have seen an increase in the number of women winning seats. The systems of proportional representation used in these elections has allowed Labour, the Liberal Democrats and the nationalist policies to ensure that candidates on lists were alternately male and female. As a result over38 per cent of representatives at Holyrood and 40 per cent at Cardiff Bay have been women (Leonard and Mortimore 2001, p98). Elsewhere, women have made direct interventions within their political systems to ensure that they are represented within the political process. In Spain, the Women’s Democratic Movement (WDM) began as an opposition group to the Franco regime and went onto lobby for women’s interests during the country’s democratic transition. It successfully pressured the government into ratifying the Convention for Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW). In Iceland the Icelandic Women’s Alliance (IWA) emerged in the 1980s as a group powerful to win 11.1% of a national poll (Fearon 1999 appendix 1). In Sweden, the issue of women’s participation in politics directly compelled women to join together on a cross-party basis in the prelude to the 1994 elections. As a result, Sweden then elected what Faluditerms â€Å"the most female government in the world – a parliament that was41% female with a cabinet that was 50% female. (Fearon 199 9, appendix1). More relevant to the issues around women’s political involvement in Northern Ireland are the examples of South Africa and Nicaragua, where women have acted together to challenge male-dominated political times when their countries have been undergoing periods of transition. In Nicaragua, women achieved political gains during the revolutionary period but, perceiving that these gains were not being fully transferred to the new society after a transitional period, women joined together to form the Nicaraguan National Coalition of Women(NNCW) in January 1996. Under this cross-party coalition women joined together to educate and themselves and prepared themselves to go backend fight elections within their existing parties in October of that year. The aim was to promote the equitable participation of women in the country’s politics, something that was made difficult, as women within the coalition had historically been political or even military enemies. There were certainly so me similarities with Northern Ireland and the group had to strive hard to focus on unity and reaching a consensus. The NNCW was able to agree a minimum agenda emphasising women’s participation in civil and political society. In South Africa, women had become influenced by the experiences of women’s organisations around the world and the ANC Women’s League(ANCWL) sparked a debate across the country about ‘the necessity of organising as women’ (Fearon 2001 appendix1). In September 1991 thirty women’s organisations came together in the Women’s National Coalition(WNC) to discuss the drawing up of a women’s charter on equality. The charter was eventually produced after a huge participatory exercise that included an estimated 2 million women and was made up of twelve articles, one of which called for â€Å"mechanisms to enable women’s participation in civic and political life† (Fearon 2001 appendix 1) The charter was vitally important to the development of women in politics in South Africa as it challenged traditional perceptions and values about the woman’s place in political and civic life. Another success of the WNC was to lobby hard for a ruling passed in 1993 that required all negotiation delegations to reserve space for women. Prior to the formation of the NIWC, the impact that individuals or groups of women had made on Northern Ireland politics had been relatively minimal. There are however a few examples of women who, although not directly involved as representatives in the political process, made their presence known. In the 1970s, two Belfast women, Betty Williams and Mairead Corrigan won the Nobel Peace Prize for leading a peace movement that aimed to end the violence by way of ‘people power’. Inspired to action following the death of three children in a car chase involving IRA men, the Peace People as the movement was known called on the people of Northern Ireland to reject terrorism and quickly snowballed into a movement that could attract tens of thousands of people onto the streets in outdoor rallies. The movement eventually failed due to internal divisions within the movement, personality clashes and disputes on how to spend the Nobel Prize money. Whilst still surviving today, the Pe ace People is now a small-scale movement that failed to deliver on the hopes that it once raised. Helen McKendry was a brave Belfast woman who campaigned to raise the issue of the so-called ‘disappeared’ victims of the IRA, who had included her own mother Jean McConville, taken from the family home in1972 and never heard of again (Independent, March 2, 2005). Following the IRA ceasefire in 1994, McKendry launched a campaign to have her mother’s body returned and eventually pressured the IRA into giving details about the location of her mother’s body and those of other victims. May Blood was a woman that played a prominent role in the loyalist community for many years, prior to involvement in the NIWC. She was a determined community activist in the Shankhill Road district, concentrating on issues such as housing, welfare, jobs, training, employment and labour relations. Speaking after she had been made across-bench peer in 2000, Baroness Blood stated: â€Å"My life is about serving this community, particularly young people. For years they have just been fodder for the paramilitaries. We want the next generation to be real people with real futures.† (Independent, March 2, 2005). It is worth noting that like May Blood, the trend in Northern Ireland has generally been for women activists to concentrate on community development rather than electoral politics. The situation of women in Northern Ireland is not entirely unique. Whilst the particular circumstances of Northern Ireland affect politics at all levels, the fact remains that women in Northern Irel and share common experiences with women elsewhere in terms of the difficulties that they have making an impact in the political arena. Rightly or wrongly, representative politics around the world remains largely dominated by males, and in this respect women in Northern Ireland face the same challenges as women elsewhere. Analysis of the women’s movement in Northern Ireland or attempters tointegrate women more fully into the political process must understandsome of the cultural traditions and influences that affect women’slives. As Monica McWilliams states: â€Å"the role which both the Church andState play shapes not only the more traditional thinking behind some ofthe major institutions, such as the education system or the judiciary,but it also responsible for the extremely conservative ideology forwhich the Province has become infamous† (Hughes 1991, p91). Theattitude of the Church has certainly been that the primary role ofwomen is that of mothers and housewives and this has been somethingthat has held women back from entering into politics. Issues aroundsexuality, the dissolution of marriage or rights in the home or at workhave seen feminists face opposition from clergy, politicians and as aresult, their communities. Again McWilliams summarises the situationstating, â€Å"in the face of such traditional Catholicism and Protestantfundamentalism, it has proved extremely difficult for women to organisearound issues which are of personal and political influence to them(Hughes 1991,p81). Both the Protestant and Catholic Church have maintained a traditionalline on the domestic role of women. They have exhorted mothers to takeresponsibility for their children by looking after them at home andhave largely opposed political initiatives such as the provision of daycare for children as it poses a challenge to the traditional ideologywhich supports the segregated division of labour in the home. The viewof the Church from half a century ago has remained prevalent in modernday Northern Ireland. Bishop McGean had stated in 1945 that â€Å"the properplace for the baby is in the home and the proper guardian is themother. Nature decided that and God approved of that decision ofnature† (Hughes 1991, p89). Women’s groups in Northern Ireland have made gradual progress ininstigating political and social change. They have begun to createstructures that enable individual women to have some measure of controlover their lives. One example is found in the work of an umbrellaorganisation known as ‘The Women’s Information Day’, along withprojects such as Women’s Aid, the Women’s Education Project and theNorthern Ireland Women’s Rights Movement. All of these groups, formedprior to the establishment of the Northern Ireland Women’s Coalition,were organised in a non-sectarian way, holding meetings in bothloyalist and nationalist areas and raising controversial issues thatwere sensitive to one another’s beliefs. In 1985, whilst campaigning onchanges to the benefit system, a group of Catholic and Protestant womentravelled to London to lobby their MPs to oppose a propose SocialSecurity Bill and were appalled to find that their own political representatives were more interested in opposing the Anglo-Irishagreement (which had been launched on the same day) and refused to meetthem on the grounds that they were too busy. McWilliams writes thatâ€Å"they returned home to Belfast on the same night more convinced thanever that their political representatives were much less interested inmatters of social and economic concerns† (Hughes 1991, p92). One of the most glaring features of life for women in Northern Irelandhas been the hardship of poverty with all its social, financial andpsychological repercussions. Women in Northern Ireland have come at thetop of research tables listing infant mortality rates, unemployment ordependency on social security (Hughes 1991, p92). It is women who haveexperienced poverty as prisoner’s wives, as widows, as single parents,divorced, separated or unmarried, as managers of unemployed families,as single and elderly women living alone, or as low paid wage earners.As a result, women’s groups such as the Northern Ireland Women’s RightsMovement began to offer advice and information to women, producingleaflet to help women in the face of overpowering bureaucracy.McWilliams writes of the pressures upon women in Northern Irelandstating â€Å"existing from day to day in the North can often become anintolerable strain for women. Not only must they provide a reasonablestandard of liv ing for their kids, but they have the additional anxietyof worrying about husbands and children when they are out of the home.The years of ‘the troubles’ have added to their pressures and manyrespond y using tranquillisers or smoking excessively† (Hughes 1991,p93). Women in Northern Ireland have played a leading role in anti-povertycampaigns, a significant political role which tends to be overlooked bymedia, church leaders and politicians. Such groups have remainednon-hierarchical and have refused to let single individuals becomesolely identified with their campaigns. The non-hierarchical structurehas provided the supportive type of environment that women require andeach group has become knowledgeable about the particular issue underscrutiny. Often the women have maintained links after individualcampaigns have been dissolved. Northern Ireland feminists have played apart in various campaigns and community projects over the last fewdecades. Many cut their political teeth in the civil rights movementsof the 1960s and 1970s and had their first dealings with other feministmovements. Female students at Queens University held a public meetingin1975 which formed an action group ‘with the aim of bringing the roleof women in Northern Ireland into l ine with that of their sisters inBritain’ (Hughes 1991, p93) and went on to form the Northern IrelandWomen’s Rights Movement which successfully campaigned to bring the SexDiscrimination Act to Northern Ireland. There are of course issues that divide women’s groups in NorthernIreland. Many are related to the national question, which as in allareas of politics in the province, remain difficult to overcome.Whether groups are based on single issues such as Women’s Aid or theRape and Incest Line, or more generic groups such as the Derry, Belfastor Falls Road Women’s Centres, the political affiliations of membersmay be surreptitiously agued in order to clarify the line that theymight take on the national question. The sheer weight of issues aroundthe constitution and security in Northern Ireland make it near onimpossible for the issue to be ignored. Disputes have occurred between,for example, the Relative’s Action Committee and Women AgainstImperialism (which largely supports Sinn Fein) and other women’s groupssuch as the Belfast Women’s Collective and the Northern Ireland Women’sRights Movement. The Belfast Women’s Collective argued that it wasvital to work in as wide a range as possible, including areas which maynot initially meet with a big response because they challengetraditional political and religious beliefs (Hughes 1991, p95). TheRelative’s Action Committee, on the other hand, organising around thewithdrawal of political statues for the H Block prisoners took the viewthat the campaign about prisons should be central. Regardless of divisions within women’s movements in Northern Ireland,the fact remains that the there is a level of oppression caused by theunique nature of politics in the province. Many women arepsychologically scarred by the deaths of or injury to loved ones. Manyothers are emotionally burnt out by the years of armed troops presenton the streets. Women on both sides of the sectarian divide have seenthe destruction of family life when family members are arrested underthe Prevention of Terrorism Act and possibly held for long periodswithout trial. Women visiting husbands and son in prison have beensubjected to degrading and humiliating strip searches. They live infear for the lives of their children and have had the constant worrythat they will be caught in crossfire, caught up in a riot or killed byan explosion. On top of all of these factors, women have also had totackle continuing economic exploitation and sexual oppression. Women in Northern Ireland have had to endure an ingrained culture ofconservative sexism that emanates both from the UK and the Republic ofIreland. They have had to fight for equality of opportunity in theworkplace – interestingly, the Equal Opportunities Commission, which isknown to play a more active role in women’s lives than its GBcounterpart, was almost abolished in Northern Ireland (Hughes 1991,p96). An influential factor in the under representation of women in NorthernIreland politics has been the traditional assumption of gender rolesand values held by many within the province. These powerful politicaland cultural restraints support the theory that the lack of women inpolitics is due to supply rather than demand factors – the electoratehas little problem with female candidates, it is getting women intoposition as candidates for public office that is largely the problem. There is general support amongst the Northern Ireland public for womento be involved in politics and indeed this support has grown steadilythroughout the 1990s and the development of the Belfast Agreement. Oneof the key questions included in the 2002 Northern Ireland Life andTimes Survey was did respondents think that the greater number of womenin politics since the formation of the Northern Ireland Assembly makethings better or worse in Northern Ireland politics? Whilst 44 per centof respondents remained neutral on the question, 41 per cent thought ithad made things better, with only 14 per cent thinking it had madethings worse (NI Life and Times Survey 2002). Attitudes towards therole of women in politics shifted markedly from the survey completed adecade earlier. In 1991, only one fifth of men felt that at least onehalf of senior government posts should be held by women. By 2002 thisfigure had doubled to 40 per cent, with support from women rising from38 per cent to 50 per cent (L ife and Times Survey 2002). Research carried out in 1993 sought to use the experience of womencouncillors within Northern Ireland to attempt to gauge exactly why sofew women were involved in politics at the time. In 1989, only 60 ofthe 566 district councillors were women, equating to a mere 10.6 percent (Wilford et al 1993, p341). Following changes after direct rulewas introduced in 1972, many functions of local government had beenreplaced by intermediate bodies appointed by the Secretary of State forNorthern Ireland. This situation reduced the tiers of local governmentwith Wilford et al commenting â€Å"Thus, aspiring politicians enjoy anextremely limited opportunity to run for elected office† (Wilford et al1993, p343). In addition, council meetings throughout the 1980s wouldoften be used by political parties to argue out their constitutionaldifferences rather than focussing on the relevant issues of localpolitics – the symbolic value of politics in Northern Ireland helps toexplain the paucity of women. Interviews with women councillorsrevealed six main reasons that they believed explained the small numberof women in Northern Ireland politics – psychological, familial,organisational, functional, patriarchal and systematic. All have somerelevance. Psychological reasons included a simple lack of self-esteem felt bywomen. The vast majority of women councillors had been prompted orasked to stand for election by other members rather than have theconfidence to stand on their own initiative. It seems exceptional forwomen to deem themselves eligible for candidature, yet this is setagainst a backdrop where with relatively few people willing to standfor election in local politics and being successful would be seeminglyunproblematic. One SDLP councillor commented on the issue: â€Å"it neveroccurred to me to stand†¦we (women) had the traditional view that wewere the back up for men: making the tea and the like† (Wilford et al1993 p344). Familial reasons were most cited reason for non-participation of womenin politics and reaffirm the ideas of traditional cultural valuescontributing to the role of women in Northern Ireland. There is a cleardifferential in the assumed responsibility of men and women for childrearing in Northern Ireland and this impacts strongly on theopportunity for women to enter into public life. At the very least, astrong and supportive partner is needed by women looking to go intopolitics, yet in addition to this it would appear that many women inNorthern Ireland do not simply put family responsibilities firstbecause that is their assumed role – many believe that they actuallyshould put their family first and postpone any political aspirationsuntil their children have reached post-school age. It should also benoted that childcare facilities in Northern Ireland were poor duringthe 1980s and 1990s, a further complication for women that wanted toenter into politics. Organisational reasons for women councillors are similar reasonscommonly cited by women MPs in the UK Parliament – the unsocial hoursthat politician are required to work. Councillors in Northern Irelandfound that childcare made it difficult for them to attend councilbusiness scheduled during the day. At the time of the survey, Sinn Feinwas the only political party in Northern Ireland that paid thechildcare expenses of its councillors (wilford et al 1993, p344). Patriarchal reasons for the limited involvement of women in localpolitics in Northern Ireland are based around the attitude of malecouncillors towards their female counterparts. One councillorinterviewed stated: You’re a thorn as a female councillor. Men don’twant you there; they’d prefer it to be all male. They want to be thedominant ones in the council; it’s true everywhere† (Wilford et alp344). Mnay of the women councillors interviewed felt that they werenot taken seriously because of their sex and this was a hugedisincentive to continuing to take an active role in politics. Manyreferred to the cultural belief ingrained in Northern Ireland about awoman’s place and that the arena of politics was very much a mansworld. There is evidence that women were ‘ghettoised’ into certaincommittees that were less important and more focussed on what weredeemed to be women’s issues – home safety committees serve as anexample. Ag ain, the partisanship of politics in Northern Ireland has tobe seen as a factor here – some of the issues likely to be raised bywomen in particular, like pre-school places, education and the NHS,have a tendency to take a back seat to constitutional and securityissues. Finally, under the label of patriarchal concerns were genuineconcerns of sexual harassment within the arena of council politics.Some female councillors reported patronising language as well as outand out harassment. Systematic and functional reasons for non-participation are also given.The lack of power held by local government in Northern Ireland prior tothe Belfast Agreement has been a disincentive – women are deterred fromsacrificing family life simply due to the fact that there is relativelylittle to do in local politics and little opportunity to instigateeffective change. For the more ambitious women, local government is notseen as a step on the way to better things and many women see the listsof men waiting to become MPs and simply assume that they have littlechance of ever doing so. A final systematic reason for women stayingout of politics is the actual physical risk involved. It is not unheardof for Northern Ireland councillors to be targeted or even murdered byparamilitaries. Much of the research carried out with female councillors supports thetheory that it is indeed supply rather than demand that limits thenumber of women involved in politics in Northern Ireland. With onlythree women MPs being elected between 1972 and 1990 (Wilford et al1993, p345) there is clearly a problem in attracting candidates. In looking at the demand for women in politics, whilst there isevidence that the public has a growing desire to see women involved inpolitics, it is also important to examine the reasons that people inNorthern Ireland think that there are relatively few women involved.The 2002 Life and Times Survey asked for explanations as to why thereare so few women in politics: What is noticeable from this research is that the main factors appearto be based on a conscious choice made by women rather thandiscrimination against them. Women not putting themselves forward ascandidates and putting their families before their political aspirationappear to be more decisive factors than a view that women do not havethe interest in or capability to succeed in politics. Certainly thisattitude has hardened during he 1990s. Whilst in the 1991 survey womensaw the reason for a lack of women as a mixture of barriers andinclination, by 2002 the most important reasons are clearly women’s owninclinations and choices. Another important perception is that aroundwhether or not people assume that women candidates lose votes – in boththe 1991 and 2002 surveys, only around one third of respondents thoughtthat this was the case. One of the obvious solutions to the fact that there are proportionatelyfew women involved inpolitics in Northern Ireland would be theintroduction of positive discrimination policies by the major parties.Howver, whilst there appears to be a view that women involve themselvesin the political process and be encouraged to do so, there is littleevidence that parties should actually be required to blance theircandidate lists with similar numbers of men and women. When questionedas to whether political parties should be required to put forward aproportion of women candidates, only 19 per cent of respondents agreed– 17 per cent of men and 21 per cent of women (Life and Times Survey2002). The more common view was that political parties should beencouraged to put forward a proportion of women candidates – 55 percent agreed with this (52 per cent of men and 57 per cent of women).The survey also asked whether the parties should put more resourcestowards the campaign of women candid ates than men candidates: this metwith a slightly more positive response with 33 per cent of men and 45per cent of women agreeing that more resources should be assigned towomen candidates. A further indicator that there is sufficient demandfor women politicians came from the questions asking respondents tochoose four attributes they would most like to see in Northern Irelandpoliticians and the attributes that they would then use to describeboth male and female politicians. Clearly, the Northern Ireland see women candidates as most likely tohave the attributes that they see as desirable. Whilst male politiciansare seen largely as aggressive, ruthless and crafty, female politiciansare seen as more likely to be honest, approachable and willing tocompromise. Attitudes in Northern Ireland towards women politician are generallyfavourable. These attitudes have noticeably become more positive since1991 and voters are now looking to parties to present them with morewomen candidates both in the Northern Ireland Assembly and atWestminster. Whilst barriers to women entering politics remain, theyappear to have been diluted over the last 10-15 years and whilst thereis still some discrimination against women in politics this haslessened. Perhaps most importantly of all in terms of attitudes towardswomen in politics, there appears to be a consensus that the qualitiesthat women bring to political life are closer to the qualitiesidentified in an ‘ideal’ candidate or representative than are of thoseof men in politics. Other research on specific questions about the role of women inpolitics gives a good insight into the attitudes of the NorthernIreland electorate. Surveys On line asked respondents what proportionof senior government posts should be held by women. Male Female % % A majority 2 3 About half 18 35 At least some 47 38 Nodefinite proportion 31 21 None 2 2 This would suggest that theelectorate is generally happy to see women holding some of the mostimportant posts in government. Again, this would suggest that there isno problem in terms of demand for women to be involved in politics inNorthern Ireland. Opinions of the general involvement of women onpolitics give a similar picture. Asked about women being elected to anational assembly, respondents felt that there should be: Again the broad consensus appears to be in favour of women beinginvolved in politics. Research indicates a slight imbalance in thatwomen appear to be more strongly in favour of a greater political role,but men also are broadly in favour of women’s involvement The attitudes towards

Effects of Social Networking

Social networking has become a well-known to all and all in recent years. People are able to meet and make friends, even if they do not know each other. Moreover, they are able to get updates from their loved ones by using social networking sites. Some people are also discussing different important topics on them. They exchange their ideas as well. However, there are several negative effects of social networking sites on our day to day life. People are becoming socially backward by using social networking sites. They do not like to go out to interact with other people.Logging into a community, they intermingled with other people online. They have also replaced the actual procedure of social interaction. Before the invention of these sites, people were keen to go out and meet with other people, but now they sit in front of computers to relate with others. Furthermore, people who are shy in public take advantage of using communal sites. Thinking beyond the social network should be hard for them. These sites are not helping them to overcome their shyness. If they tried to interact with people, they might make it.But because of these sites, they do not even try to do it. Thus social networking sites make people unsocial and socially reluctant. Another effect of community networking is online predators. If someone uploads photos and videos for showing their friends and families, they could be caught by online hunters. Raiders collect photos and videos that are not theirs and misuse them; for example, by creating rumors. These can be displayed for even teenagers and children to see, causing harm. Children and teenagers are becoming addicted watching adult photos and videos.Those predators also follow what you are doing online. Another problem is social networking sites use internet slang. Thus social networking sites are making people morally unhealthy. Finally, the most important effect is people are losing their valuable time, specially the students and officials. Instead of studying, they are playing on different shared interacting sites. A statistic shows that about 68. 4% undergraduate students spend 11 hours per day by chatting and playing games in social networking sites.Furthermore, officials use these sites instead of doing their job. Social networking sites are being banned because of the inefficiency of the workers. Another statistic shows that about 43% American service holders are addicted to facebook. Social networking leads numerous adverse impacts on our life. People are becoming hesitant as they do not go outside to meet people. They are losing their precious time by surfing social networking sites and chatting with others. People are becoming morally corrupted as a result of using jargons and watching uncensored photos and videos.

Market analysis wood pellets in Germany

To give a clear overview of the possibilities in the wood pellet market is a SWOT-Analysis used. This analysis presents the Strengths, Weaknesses, Opportunities and Threats of the wood pellet market in general (not for a specific company!).Confrontation-matrixIn this matrix are the benefits and the issues around the wood pellet market displayed against each other. This gives a clear overview and a good summery as well about the `Wood Pellets ´ market! Strengths1) Sustainable 2) Renewable 3) Worldwide available 4 ) New and higher employment 5 ) Accessibility. Germany is located in the center of Europe, which is a strength point and offers good possibilities for trading. Germany is very good accessible by water, via seas and channels due to the Netherlands as well.Weaknesses1) High competition against other energy resources. 2) The technology around the production of bioenergy needs more and new inputs to win more energy and make it more favorable and get higher outputs. 3) High inve stment costs in the beginning, to install a combustion furnace at home or in the industry.OpportunitiesA)Wood fuels provides opportunities for new companies to develop B) Producing and the using of wood fuels locally will minimize transport costs C) Wood fuels releases lower quantities of atmospheric pollutants D) It is possible to offset the carbon emissions from burning against the carbon uptake of the trees during the growth of the wood. E) According to the EU ´s policy and the Kyoto-protocol, wood fuels fits very well with the targets3,4,5 -> A The wood pellet industry offers a great opportunity to develop new companies,  and for new and more extensive employment. This counts for all places in the world because wood pellets can produce almost everywhere. For Europe(Germany) it is an great opportunity in special because of the current economic recession and a lack of jobs. 1,2 -> B,C,D,EThe sustainability and renewability of wood pellets fits well with all the European target s due to the Kyoto-protocol. Wood fuels releases lower quantities of atmospheric pollutants compared to fossil fuels. And wood resources are almost all over the world accessible.1,2 -> A,E New technologies are necessary to make wood pellets more profitable compared to other energy resources. But it is a challange for companies to develop in new technologies, which is good for the energy market, employment, and most important the environment!3 -> EBecause of the high investment costs in the beginning for installing a heating system, many people and/or companies choose for other (cheaper) opportunities. But according to the increasing environment issues, it is for the European Union an option to subsidy and promote wood pellet energy.ThreatsA) Extensive market with lots of competition, there are many different energy resources available. B) To create bioenergy/wood pellets, lots of energy is necessary for the production. 1,2 -> A, BSustainability and renewability are increasingly more important because of the global warming and environment issues. This offers a good opportunity for bioenergy. The use of wood pellets could be more and more interesting instead of fossil fuels.1,2,3 -> A,B According to the disadvantages of bioenergy, there are new technologies needed in energy market to make bioenergy more profitable compared to fossil fuels.

Listing of the Worlds Longest Rivers

This following is a list of the 10 longest rivers in the world, according to the Times Atlas of the World. Only 111 miles apart, the Nile River in Africa is the longest river in the world in comparison to its runner-up, the Amazon River, located in South America. Discover some key facts about each river and their residence country, along with its length in miles and kilometers. 1. Nile River, Africa 4,160 miles; 6,695 kmThis international river has a drainage basin that extends to 11 countries from Tanzania to Eritrea, proving water as a core resource to countries like Egypt and Sudan. 2. Amazon River, South America 4,049 miles; 6,516 kmKnown as the second longest river, The Amazon River starts in North Eastern Brazil and is the only river with the largest amount of water flowing through it at any moment in time. 3. Yangtze River, Asia 3,964 miles; 6,380 kmRecognized as the third longest river in the world and the longest one in Asia, this rivers name translates to child of the ocean.   4. Mississippi-Missouri River System, North America 3,709 miles; 5,969 kmThe Missouri River is, hydrologically, the upstream continuation of the Mississippi River as the Missouri River carries more water than the Mississippi River at the confluence of the two rivers. 5. Ob-Irtysh Rivers, Asia 3,459 miles; 5,568 kmThis river consists of the Ob, which is the primary river that connects to the Irtysh River and flows through Russia. For half of the year, the river is frozen. 6. Yenisey-Angara-Selenga Rivers, Asia 3,448 miles; 5550 kmThis is the river of central Russia and one of the several longest rivers in Asia.  Despite being short, it has 1.5x more flow than the Mississippi-Missouri river. 7. Huang He (Yellow River), Asia 3,395 miles; 5,464 kmOften called the cradle of Chinese civilization, the Huang He River is Chinas second longest river.  Unfortunately, the government in China has claimed that the rivers water is so polluted and full of waste that people are unable to drink it. In fact, it is believed that at least 30% of fish species have become entirely extinct. 8. Congo River, Africa 2,900 miles; 4,667 kmThe primary means of transportation in Central Florida, the river creates over 9,000 miles of shipping routes that transport everyday goods.  This river is home to the highest amount of unique species in the world and is the deepest river in the world. 9. Rio de la Plata-Parana, South America 2,796 miles; 4,500 kmThe Rio de la Plata river starts at the beginning of the Uruguay and Panama Rivers. This is a very important economic resource for countries such as Brazil, Argentina, and Paraguay, as the estuary is the core fishing ground from the area and acts as the main water resource.   10. Mekong River, Asia 2,749 miles; 4,425 kmLocated in Southeast Asia, the Mekong River travels through Laos, Thailand, Cambodia, Vietnam and the South China Sea.  It is the main hub for culture and transportation for Vietnamese villagers, as business owners create floating markets where they sell various goods such as fish, candy fruits, and vegetables.